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LINCOLN DAY ADDRESS 

DELIVERED BY 

DANIEL W. LAWLER 

At a meeting held under the auspices of St. Paul Camp, No. 1, 
Sons of Veterans, at Assembly Hall, Old State Capitol, Minne- 
sota, February 12th, 1907. ::::::: 



Lincoln Day Address delivered by Daniel W. Lawler at a 
meeting held under the auspices of St, Paul Camp No. 1, 
Sons of Veterans, at Assembly Hall, Old State Capitol, St, 
Paul, Minnesota, February 12th, 1907. 

On being introduced by the Presiding Officer, Mr. Lawler 
spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, Members of St. Paul Camp No. 1, Sons of 
Veterans, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
Honored as we are tonight by I'he presence of so many of 
the veteran soldiers of the Union Army, I feel that much I 
may say during the time that has been allotted to me, may 
seem trite and elementary. At a meeting held, however, 
under the auspices of the Sons of Veterans it may not be in- 
appropriate for us to first review some of the conditions 
which confronted 'the generation to which belonged the man 
whose memory we honor tonight. It is difficult for us of 
this generation to fully appreciate the political conditions 
which existed in this country and the dangers that con- 
fronted the Republic when Fort Sumter was fired upon. 
Living, as we are today, in the full enjoyment of the bless- 
ings which the vicitory of the Union arms won for us and all 
the generations to come, we are perhaps itoo apt to take for 
granted that the principles of government which exist today 
were those of our predecessors; we are too apt to forget that 
the political doctrines wdiich we hold relating to the dignity 
of humanity, the rights of men, the powers of government, 
which were won for us as a precious legacy by the men 
who fought for the cause of ithe Union were not accepted by 
the entire people of this country in 1861. Slavery was, of 
course, the provoking cause of the war. Its immediate cause 
was the vered question of the extension of slavery. What 
j was the con-jition that confronted the men who were at the 

1 



helm of sta.e on tliat fateful clay in -Spring when the news 
was flashed throughout the natinn that the hand of treason 
had been ra'sed against the flag and that the guns of the 
Confederacy liad thundered again&t the walls of Sumter? 

Conditions in the Spring of 1861. 

Slavery was an old issue, not only in this land of ours but 
in every land where civilization had had its swa3^ No gov- 
ernment had ever existed, from the commencement of civili- 
zation, that had not at some time or other in its history 
stamped with t'he brand of legality the linsititution of s'.avery. 
Some of the strongest, and, on their surface, most plausible 
and convincing, arguments in behalf of slavery were drawn 
with all honesty and sincerity by man}- of its advocates from 
the pages of Holy Writ itself. Only twenty-two years had 
elapsed when Sumter was fired upon since emancipation had 
been established by law in the British Empire. We of today 
know from our childhood the celebrated expression attrib- 
uted to Lord Mansfield, that "the air of Eng'.and is too pure 
for a slave to breathe." But that legal opinion was rendered 
in 1722 when there were twenty thousand black slaves living 
within the limits of England. From the very commence- 
ment of the colonization of North America slavery had 
been a legally recognized institution, largely forced upnn the 
co'lonists by the government of Great Britain. One of the 
counts in the indictment which was preferred by the pcopU 
of the colonies against the British Parliament and against- 
the British Government was that when the people of the 
southern co'.onies endeavored to do away with slavery, they 
were prevented by the strong hand of imperial law from 
carrying out their wishes. The people of all the sections, 
both north and south, were historically responsible for 
slavery. It throve in the South largely on account (if cli- 
matic conditions. For the same reason it was a failure in 
t'he colonies and the states oi the North. But the commer- 
cial interesis of the North profited by slavery in the early 

2 



days of our .listory, because it encouraged their shipping 
interest, because people of that section engaged in the slave 
trade, and in the latter days of slavery because from the 
great manufacturing cities of the North went to the fields of 
the South and to the plantations of the Southern planter the • 
articles which were manufactured north of Mason and Dix- 
on's line. The constitution itself was a compromise upon the 
question of slavery, and an implicit admission that it had a 
legal existence. Although it did not thrive at the North, it 
was not until the fourth of July, 1827, until after the second 
quarter of the nineteenth century had commenced, that the 
great state of New York, the Empire State then and now of 
the United States, by a legal enactment emancipated the 
slaves within its borders. Slavery had been a burning subject 
of discussion, from the formation of the constitution. It had 
made and unmade the fortunes of statesmen and had directed: 
the careers of political parties. The people of the North 
were numerical'ly superior to ithe people of the South; but 
the people of the North were a commercial and an industrial 
people, not given to military habits nor enamoured of the 
ways of war. Slavery, by its very constitution and training-, 
made the slave-holder a leader on the tie'.d of battle and a 
leader on the field of civil strife. Not only at the com- 
mencement of the Civil War were the great generals en- 
rolled in the armies of the South, but from the time when 
the constitution itself was enacted, until the commencement 
of. the Civil War, the South had trained year in and year 
out an army of professional statesmen, educated, cultured, 
with high ideals of what they considered personal honor,, 
quick to avenge an insult to themselves or to their section, 
and devoted to the death to their peculiar institution of 
slavery. TJiey were a solid South so far as slavery was 
concerned, and the North was hopelessly divided in opinions 
and in beliefs on that important question. No later than 
1850, only eleven years before the war broke out, Daniel 
Webster, in his celebrated seventh of ]\Iarch speech in Ijehalf 

3 



of the compromise measures agreed upon by 'himself and 
Henry Clay, in an address, which was by many thought to 
mark t'he end of his career in obloquy and disgrace, historic- 
ally and legally justified the existence of slavery. The sen- 
timents of the governments of the Old Word and particu- 
larly of those two great governments which then dominated 
the politics of Europe, England and France, were in 
favor of slavery and were opposed to the cause of liberty. 
Within three months after Sumter was fired upon, — before 
Charles Francis Adams, the newly appointed Minister to 
Great Britain, was able to reach London, England and 
France, acting in concert, and with indecent haste, with a 
brutality that would ihave been exercised towards no nation 
except one that was considered weak and defenseless, rec- 
ognized in solemn proclamations the belligerency of the 
Confederate States. Commencing immediately after the 
National election held in November, 1860, and using the 
result of that election as a pretext State after State in the 
South passed the Ordinance of Secession, — the federal navy 
yards, forts and munitions of war within their borders were 
seized by the rebellious government without even a protest 
from the Buchanan administration, — ^open and avowed 
treason and resistance to the national government were 
preached by Northern sympathizers with the South, — doubt, 
uncertainty and discord pervaded the minds even of loyal 
men in the North, — the national treasury was empty, the 
national credit gone, — under the leadership of brilliant a;id 
experienced generals trained at West Point and wearing 
laurels from the battle fields of IMexico, the mighty army of 
rebellion stood ready for the onset w'hile the sneering and 
hostile world of English and Continental offtcialdom in glee- 
ful expectation awaited the speedy submission or annihilation 
of the Republic of Washington now confided to the keeping 
of the "northern mudsill." These were ithe conditions that 
existed in the spring of 1861. If ever there was a time when 
riny nation needed a great leader, if there was ever a juncture 



ill the history of this beloved land of ours when for a mo- 
ment the very face of God seemed to be averted from this 
people, it was during the dark days of ]March, April and May 
in 1861. 



The Leader. 

Whence, my friends, came the leader? Whence came the 
man of the hour? Was it from the ranks of the great and 
cultured? Was it from the abode of those whom men call 
great? Was he selected from the ranks of trained states- 
men? Was he a -man skilled in the culture and teachings of 
the schools? Was he endowed with the graces of courts 
and of camps? Was it William H. Seward, governor and 
United States senator from New York? Was it the courtly, 
wise and eloquent Salmon P. Chase, governor of Ohio? 
Was it the leader of the Northern Democracy, Stephen A. 
Douglas? No, it was none of these. Wait a moment and I 
will tell you who it was. Thirty years before Sumter was 
fired upon, two men, of strange and picturesque appearance, 
stood in the slave market of New Orleans. By their dress 
and appearance it was evident that they 'had come from the 
very borders of civilization. The younger of the two, then 
twenty-two years of age, stood as a giant among men, six 
feet four in height, straight as the pines of our northern state, 
with flashing black eye, coarse black hair, clad in habiliments 
that told of a semi-civilization almost on the limits of bar-- 
barism. As they stood there the human chattels whom God 
had made black, were led out and auctioned in that mart of 
human bodies. A mulatto girl was put upon the block. She 
was turned and pinched and examined in order that none of 
her qualifications might be lost to the anxious and .competing 
bidders. She was sold. And as these two men walked away, 
one said to the other, "My God, if I ever get a chance to hit 
that institution, I'll hit it hard!" (Applause.) The words 
which he uttered were a prayer not an imprecati:)n. Thirty 

5 



- years rolled around before they were heard, but then they 
pierced to the shining throne of Grace, and from the prairies 
of Illinois was summoned the man who spoke them and he 
hit the institution hard— for his name was Abraham Lincoln! 
(Applause). 

Today in every land of civilization the name of Abraham 
Lincoln is spoken. Where are your great men, bis contem- 
poraries, his opponents, his colleagues? Webster and Doug- 
las and Everett, and Chase, did well their work, and as long 
as this government of ours shall endure, their names shall 
be mentioned with gratitude and reverence. Lord John 
Russell, Premier of the Great Brita^n of that day, has passed 
to a merited obscurity. Napoleon III, emperor of France, 
and Russell's accomplice, found his proper ending when his 
flag went down in defeat upon the battlefield of Gravelotte 
and he disgraced the name he bore when from behind the 
walls of Sedan he raised the white flag of surrender before 
the conquering legions of Germany. But' today, not only in 
this great republic, but wherever men and women of any 
land or of any color gather together, wherever there is a 
heart which beats responsive to the noblest dictates of hu- 
manity, there is named with reverence and love the name of ' 
Abraham Lincoln. (Applause). It would seem appropriate 
on an occasion like this, my friends, to review briefly and 
succinctly some of the reasons why Lincoln is great and why 
he succeeded in the great task which was assigned to him. 
This is Lincoln's day. Twelve of the states of these United 
States have set this day apart, and the reason why it has 
been made a legal holiday is that we may recall the traits and 
deeds of Abraham Lincoln. For my part, I believe that it 
will be more satisfactory to this intelligent audience if we 
speak tonight something about Lincoln, rather than if I 
were to seize upon this opportunity as a pretext for inflicting 
npon the audience my own notions, which must be of verj" 
little imporlance, upon any of the questions of the day 



A Divinely-Chosen Leader. 

The distinguishing mark of Lincoln's character, the beacon 
light of his career, it seems to me, is that he was a divinely- 
chosen leader. T am old-fashioned enough, and I love to 
believe that ihere are still many of the old-fashioned kind 
who also believe that there is a God who directs the destinies 
not only of men but the destinies of nations. It was He who 
caked Abraham Lincoln, even as centuries upon centuries 
before He called .the young shepherd from the hills and riociks 
of Palestine to put aside the cloak of armor in which he had 
been invested and the helmet which Saul had put upo^. his 
head and go forth armed only with staff and shepherd's slmg 
to face the army of the Philistines and bid defiance to its 
champion, "In the name of the Lord of Hosts, the God of the 
armies of Israel, which thou hast defied." Abraham Lincoln 
was as surely called by Him who rules above, from his place 
among the lowly, as was David in the days of Scripture. He 
was a plain uncourtly man, without distinguished ancestry, 
trained in none of the graces of the schools, unable to write 
behind his name the mystical letters which denote the learned 
degrees of academy and of college; but, my friends, it was 
w.'ch such men, it was by the instrumentality of the plain 
common men of this people, that the great cause of Union 
and liberty was won. In the dark days of the Rebellion, it was 
a man who would be out of place on the waxed floor of a 
ball-room who thundered on the awful field of Shiloh, who, 
during the Battle of the Wilderness, from the smoke and 
dust of war's arena, announced it his intention to "fight it out 
on this line if it takes all summer." It was no prince of high 
degree, but it was the tanner of Galena that received from 
the knightly nand of Lee the surrendered sword of the Con- 
federacy. William Tecumseh Sherman would not have em- 
bellished a court of Europe; he would not have been able per- 
haps to excell in some of the graces with which our am- 
bassadors of today are popularly supposed to be supplied, 
but the swing of his majestic army carried the flag in victory 

7 



"from Atlanta to the sea," and the people of thi-s land were 
willing to receive victory from a plain, homely man of the 
people of America. (Applause.) 

Philip Henry Sheridan, the son of an Irish immigrant, had 
little of ithe veneer or polish of our modern civilization, and 
he was covered with the unlovely dust and sweat of war 
when from "Winchester forty miles away," he rallied the 
shattered fragments of the Union Army and saved the honor 
of the nation's flag on the day of that great victory. (Ap- 
plause). 

And so with Lincoln. It was symbolical that the chosen 
leader in the greatest battle that had ever been waged for the 
freedom and the dignity of humanity in all the evolution of 
the ages, when it was finally to be decided whether men in 
truth and fact are equal before the law,— it was especially 
fitting and appropriate that the champion of the armies of 
liberty and humanity should be a plain man of the people, 
one of that unnumbered and nameless majority who in all 
the centuries of civilization ;have toiled that others might 
rest and sowed that others might reap. 



As Statesman and Lawyer. 

And yet, my friends, he was no uncultured man. That per- 
son has read little of the truth of history who believes, as 
some men perhaps believe, that Abraham Lincoln was mere- 
ly a prodigy, awkward and uncouth and that he was not 
skilled in the ways of men and states. In the long line of 
presidents of the United States there never has been one who 
was better equipped for the duties of his high office than was 
Abraham Lincoln. (Applause). He was a leading lawyer 
among the leading lawyers of the Republic and of the world. 
He had been trained from his youth by daily conflict and at- 
trition with the leaders of the bar of the United States. In 
Illinois he was brought in daily contact with lawyers like 
Lyman Trumbull and David Davis, afterwards Justice of the 

8 



Supreme Court of the United States, and before their attack 
his banner was never lowered in disgrace or in dishonorable 
defeat. 

As a member of the legislature of the great state of 
Illinois he had learned legislation, and had studied deeply 
po'.icies of government. He had served with ability and dis- 
tinction one term in the congress of the United States. He 
knew the history, the defenses, the resources, the barbarity 
of slavery better than any man who ever spoke the English 
tongue. And when from the prairies of Illinois he went to 
Washington to take his seat as President of the United 
States, when he gathered about him a cabinet of the great 
men of this land, Abraham Lincoln was easily the greatest 
of that Cabinet and he might well exclaim in the proud boast 
of the Scottish chief of old as they sat about the cabinet 
table, "The head of the table is where MacGregor sits." 
(Applause.) 

There were even statesmen and friends of Lincoln who 
underrated him in those days. It is interesting to read an 
incident which occurred almost immediately after the cabinet 
had been appointed. William H. Seward, statesman, scholar, 
diplomat and publicis:, had been appointed Lincoln's Secre- 
tary of State. As I have said before, England and France, 
acting in indecent and brutal concert, recognized the bellig- 
erency of the southern states before Mr. Adams was able to 
reach London. Mr. Seward, acting in the proper discharge 
of the functions of his office as Secretary of State, submitted 
to Mr. Lincoln a dispatch which was intended to be handed 
to ahe British Minister of Foreign Affairs by Mr. Adams at 
London. Mr. Seward knew international law. He was a 
statesman of the old and polished school of the republic. 
He undoubtedly submitted the document to the president as 
a perfunctory and formal duty, expecting that it would be 
approved substantially as it was written. In Nicolay and 
Hay's life of Lincoln can be found this dispatch, dated in 
May, 1861, s,howing the changes which were made \\y Mr. 

9 



Lincoln in his ,.un hand-uriting, changes not only disclosing 
a knowledge of international law, but of the loftiest kind of 
politics and statesmanship; and we of today know that if the 
document had been delivered written as Mr. Seward wrote 
it, England would have declared war and France would have 
followed her example. 

As Commander in Chief. 

Lincoln was not only a great lawyer and a great statesman, 
but he had qua'.ifications which especially entitled him to be 
the commander in chief of the army of liberty. He was not 
a trained soldier. He was a man of peace. While still al- 
most a boy he had served for some months in the Black 
Hawk War, and one of his most interesting and amusing 
addresses is one which ,he made in Congress giving his own 
military record. But he had physical and moral qualities 
which as a soldier endeared him to the rank and file of the 
Un.ion Army. They were first of all proud of his reputation 
for feats of strength and physical prowess. Scholars and 
philosophers may talk to us and may reason with us, but 
there never will come a time in the history of this human 
race when manly strength and valor will not appeal to the 
human heart and fascinate the human mind. And around the 
camp-fires of the armies of the republic were told the stories 
of how Abraham Lincoln in the early days was the swiftest 
of foot, was the strongest of arm, was the most successful 
wrestler in all the forests and along all the rivers of Illinois. 
His strength and courage had been tested upon many an 
arena, and his soldiers enshrined his name in the memory of 
those deeds in the same way that the Crusaders of old amid 
Syrian sands and deserts and on the fields of Palestine sang 
the knightly feats and embalmed in immortal story the deeds 
of Richard, the Lion-Heart. And in an earlier day of Amerl 
can history, responsive to the same promptings of our na- 
ture, the soldiers of the Revolution loved to hear with bated 
breath and (luickening heart how on the awful day of Brad- 

10 



dock's defeat and death George Washington, the stripling 
Colonel of the Virginia riflemen, beat back the scalping knife 
of the savage and saved the shattered fragments of a British 
army. Bnt it was not only for these traits that Lincoln 
was personally beloved bj-- -the soldiers of the Union. There 
" was not a soldier in the army who did not know that his 
president would not harm a single human being or a single 
living thing unless called upon to do so by the awfu'. irony 
of fate under the awful impulse of duty. Every soldier knew 
that every rebel bullet that ever pierced a soldier's heart 
first went through the great heart of Abraham Lincoln. 

As Orator. 

He w-as a great orator. It is accurate to say that no man 
ever spoke 'this English tongue of ours with greater force, 
with greater purity, with greater precision. He must have 
been a great orator, because for itwenty years of the most 
crucial time of his life he stood in the arena against not 
on'y one of the greatest statesman of America, but one of 
the greatest orators of all time in the person of Stephen A« 
Douglas. And on this occasion let us not forget to place a 
wreath of gratitude and love upon the grave of Douglas. 
You know his history. If there was ever a man who was 
ambitious, it was Douglas. If there was ever a man who when 
the hour came for him to put the ambition of his life away 
and choose between his country and his personal fortunes, — 
if there was ever a man who made the decision without hesi- 
tation, — it was Stephen A. Douglas. He was defeated for 
the presidency l)y half a million of votes, by Abraham Lin- 
coln. But the popular vote which he received was a half 
million only under Lincoln's vote, and was a half mi^lion 
greater than the vote received by Breckenridge, the candi- 
date of the slavery wing of the Democratic party. But the 
moment that armed rebellion fired upon that flag (pointing 
to it) Stephen A. Douglas knew no partj^ knew no personal 
ambition, llis first address rang upon the hearts an 1 upon 

11 



the ears of miLions in this great land of ours when he said: 
"From this time there can be only two classes in this great 
republic; in this war there can be no neutral; there are and 
there shall be only patriots and traitors." (Applause). Last 
week there was laid away in the hallowed grounds of yonder 
cemetery a brave soldier of the armies of the Union. Above 
his casket a detail .from this organization fired its last part- 
ing salute, and never has that salute been fired over the grave 
of a braver soldier, a purer patriot, or a better citizen. One 
of the happiest and most interesting experiences of my life 
was when I heard from General Mark D. Flower how, when 
a stripling boy, about to take the cars at Springfield for the 
front, when he was on his way to defend this flag of ours, 
Stephen A. Douglas from his carriage, standing bare-headed 
in a driving rain addressed the volunteers exhorting them 
to do a man's and a patriot's duty, and as the years roll on 
and the acerbities and factional strife of a generation ago 
are softened in the calmness of history, as the name of 
Lincoln grows brighter, so with it shall grow brighter and 
dearer to the hearts of all the people of this land the name 
of Stephen A. Douglas.. (Applause.) 

Lincoln was not only a greater orator than was Douglas, 
but he was a greater orator than any of the other great 
orators of his time. You remember how Edward Everett 
was with him when that celebrated and immortal speech was 
delivered by Lincoln at Gettysburg— Everett the polished, 
cultivated scholar, the experienced public speaker, the man 
whose fame as an orator was known in every civilized land. 
Everett delivered a splendid, scholarly, eloquent oration on 
that day. But Lincoln's address, of some thirty or forty 
lines, will live when the name and the memory ^^f Everett 
are forgotten, and it will live as long as this stately English 
language shall survive. 

There is no finer passage in English prose than the con- 
cluding lines of Lincoln's second inaugural address: 

"The Almighty has His own purposes. Woe unto 
the world because of offences, for it must needs be that 
12 



offences come, but woe to that man by whom the 
offence cometh. If we shall suppose that American 
slaverj' is one of those offences which, in the provi- 
dence of God, must needs come, but which having 
continued through His appointed time, He now wills 
to remove, and that He gives to both North and South 
this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom 
the offence came, shall we dascern there any departure 
from those divine attributes which the believers in a 
living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we 
hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge 
of war may speedily pass away. Yet if God wills that 
it continue until all the wealth piled by the bonds- 
man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil 
shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn 
with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the 
sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still 
it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are 
true and righteous altogether. With malice toward 
none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, 
as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work 
we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for 
him who shall have borne the battle, and for his 
Wiidow and his orphans, to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves 
and with all nations." 

These, my friends, were some of the traits of the 
man whose name and fame we honor today. He was 
great in his life and surpassingly great in the opportuneness 
of his death. Never was there a more fitting climax to a 
life nobly and faithfully spent. When peace had been 
declared, when his mission had been accomplished, sud- 
denly, and as by a thunder-bolt, Abraham Lincoln, in the 
very prime of health, usefulness and strength, was 
stricken down forever. Is it not almost the irony of 
fate — the grotesque irony of fate — that in this short history 
of the American republic three of our chief magistrates have 
died by the hand of an assassin? And the three who have 
thus died, the three who were thus chosen by the inscrutable 
decrees of Providence, were the three of all the presidents 

13 



who had the least (jf what men call malice, whose hearts 
were gentle and whose bosoms were overflowing with the 
milk of human kindness. Garfield, McKinley, Lincoln, a 
trinity of great and gentle men, by the inscrutable irony of 
fate, taken from their stage of life and usefulness as if to 
show to us the instability of human things. 

We meet tonight to l.onor Lincoln'smemory. His mem- 
ory will be honored as long as there shall be left a vestige 
of civil government on the face oi the earth; and in the 
years to come he will be honored because he was true to 
every sacred trust which was confided to him; because as a 
lawyer he w-as true to his clients; because as a legislator 
there was upon his garments no smell of corruption; be- 
cause as the commander of a victorious army, as the cham- 
pion of the holiest cause and the leader of the mightiest 
war ever chronicled in the history of civilization, amid 
scenes of blood and carnage he preserved the purity, the 
simplicity, .the charity of a child. He will be honored be- 
cause above all men who have ever lived he was true to 
the cause of hmnan liberty; because, without ostentation, 
without bravado, without boasting and without swagger, 
quietly, solemnly, prayerfully, he met the responsibilities of 
his station and discharged them a'.I. His was a sad and 
lonely life. He not only wept in the Garden of Olives, but 
he mounted the heights of Golgotha's holy hill of sacrifice. 
And if, in days to come, the honor of that flag shall be 
threatened, or the integrity of the nation shall be endan- 
gered, let us pray to Him who guides the affairs of men 
and of states that in that day there may be a president who 
wi.I look back ito earlier days and follow the example of 
him whose name we honor tonight, for, if he does, this 
"government of the people, by the people, and for the peo- 
ple, sliall not perish from the earth." (Applause.) 



14 

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